Haiti, once known as “The Jewel of the Antilles,” was the world’s richest colony. In the 1750s, it contributed up to 50% of France’s GNP, exporting sugar, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, cotton, indigo, and other exotic goods. These raw materials were refined, packaged, and distributed across Europe, generating immense wealth from this small colony on the island of Hispaniola.
But how did Haiti transition from being the cornerstone of colonial wealth to the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere? How did this once-fertile land become semi-barren? And how did “The Jewel of the Antilles” turn into a place where women and children live in fear? These questions underscore the complex history of exploitation, revolution, and systemic challenges that have shaped Haiti’s current reality.
Backstory: Before the arrival of Europeans, who plundered and decimated the native populations, Hispaniola was a lush island adorned with thriving rainforests and fertile plains. For centuries, indigenous Caribbean peoples inhabited and cultivated the land until Christopher Columbus’s arrival in 1492.
Recognizing the island’s potential, the Spanish—and later the French—seized control. In 1697, Hispaniola was divided, with the western third becoming Haiti under French rule, while the eastern portion, now the Dominican Republic, remained under Spanish control. The indigenous population was nearly wiped out due to warfare, forced labor, and exposure to European diseases. To compensate for this loss, hundreds of thousands of Africans were forcibly taken and enslaved to work on the island. Some argue that the global demand for coffee significantly fueled the massive enslavement of people in Haiti.
The French Colonial Legacy
Haiti’s exceptional productivity during the colonial era was largely built on the backs of enslaved laborers. When profit and productivity are prioritized above all other values, extreme exploitation often follows. Enslaved people in Haiti endured grueling, unsafe conditions, working long hours with little to no technological support beyond manual tools. Haiti’s system of slavery was infamous for being the most brutal in the Caribbean.
The cruelty of slavery did not end with French rule. Instead, the practice of exploiting cheap, forced labor transitioned to the emerging native Haitian elite. Under the French, some slaves could earn their freedom through extraordinary effort—a system that incentivized productivity while limiting the number of slaves who managed to gain their liberty. Another path to freedom arose for the children of enslaved women and white masters, known as mulattoes. These individuals occupied an awkward middle ground in society, neither fully accepted by the enslaved population nor the white colonists. Many were freed, forming a distinct social class during the colonial period.
This group of freed individuals—comprising roughly equal numbers of black freedmen and mulattoes—gained access to limited education, property ownership, and business opportunities. They sought to distance themselves from their enslaved origins by emulating the French, adopting their religion, language, dress, and cultural practices. Crucially, they also internalized the French valuation of enslaved labor, laying the groundwork for the continued exploitation that would plague Haiti in the years to come.
International Boycott and Economic Struggles
After declaring independence in 1804, Haiti became the first black republic and a symbol of freedom for enslaved people worldwide. However, this revolutionary victory alarmed the global powers of the time. The United States and England, both slaveholding nations, along with other European countries, viewed Haiti’s example of a nation founded by freed slaves as a dangerous precedent. Despite France having freed Haitian slaves during the revolution, it, along with other European empires, continued to exploit enslaved labor in Africa and Asia.
In response, the international community imposed an economic boycott on Haiti, refusing to engage in trade or commerce. This collective embargo crippled the fledgling nation’s economy, throwing it into chaos. The boycott severely undermined Haiti’s ability to establish economic stability or invest in its future. With an economy previously built on slavery, the new nation faced the monumental challenge of transitioning to a democratic and self-sufficient system under these hostile conditions. The long-term effects of this boycott were devastating, entrenching poverty and stifling development.
The French Debt of 1838
Desperate for international recognition, Haiti sought to legitimize itself on the global stage. France, however, demanded reparations for the loss of its former slave-owning colonists’ lands and resources. In 1838, Haitian President Jean-Pierre Boyer agreed to pay an indemnity of 150 million francs (equivalent to an estimated $21 billion today). This immense debt crippled Haiti’s economy for over eight decades, lingering as a crushing burden until it was finally paid off in 1922.
During this time, Haiti also paid exorbitant amounts in interest, far exceeding the original indemnity. The debt drained resources that could have been used to build essential infrastructure, such as roads, clean water systems, sewage, and electricity. This financial drain left the nation unable to invest in its own development, perpetuating cycles of poverty and underdevelopment that continue to impact Haiti to this day.
The United States Occupation of Haiti (1915-1934): A Blow to Independence
One of the most profound setbacks to Haiti’s sovereignty and national identity came with the United States Marine occupation from 1915 to 1934. Under the guise of stabilizing the nation, the U.S. took control of key aspects of Haitian governance and economy, effectively undermining the country’s independence.
The U.S. Marines managed revenue collection and seized control of the nation’s banks, dictating the allocation of funds. They imposed a new constitution in 1918, repealing a cornerstone of Haiti’s independence—its 1804 ban on foreign land ownership. This change opened the door for foreign exploitation of Haitian resources and land, a move that profoundly altered the nation’s economic landscape. Additionally, the U.S. had significant influence over appointments in the Haitian government, deciding who could serve in public office.
Despite their sweeping control, one aspect of Haitian society resisted American domination—education. The Haitian elite’s strong cultural and linguistic ties to France ensured that schools remained steeped in French language and structure. This enduring influence highlighted the deep connection of Haiti’s upper class to French culture, even amidst U.S. occupation.
The occupation left lasting scars on Haiti’s sense of autonomy and self-determination, further complicating its path toward stability and development.
Post-World War II U.S. Influence: A Legacy of Domination
Although the U.S. occupation of Haiti formally ended in 1934, its influence over the country’s economy and internal politics persisted and even deepened after World War II. By 1946, the United States had solidified its role in shaping Haitian governance, using the leverage of substantial aid packages to maintain influence.
These aid programs, while appearing to provide support, often propped up oppressive and corrupt regimes. By sustaining these governments, the U.S. indirectly contributed to the ongoing suffering of the Haitian people. The intention was not to cause harm, but rather to secure U.S. military, economic, and propaganda interests in the region. However, the unintended consequence was the entrenchment of autocratic rulers who prioritized their own power over the well-being of their citizens.
While this strategy may have bolstered U.S. control and influence in the Caribbean, it came at a profound cost to Haiti. The support of repressive regimes disrupted the nation’s progress, further entrenching cycles of poverty and instability. This dynamic has undeniably been a major factor in Haiti’s prolonged struggles, shaping the complex and painful legacy of U.S. involvement in the country.
Continued in Part II
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